Ben Houchen - Tees
Valley mayor - and his cabinet have secured £20 million grant for the purpose
of increasing the capacity of Middlesbrough Train station. This is a worthwhile
investment, and comes with the ambition of a direct line to London. Connectivity
is key to increasing productivity and improving our economy, both locally and
nationally, and improving the lives of the population, and it's a pleasant
change of pace to see the North secure infrastructure investment.
However it is unclear
how much this investment will benefit the people of Middlesbrough, and indeed
how a direct line to London could improve lives. If this infrastructure was
available to the wider public then there would be no question, but rail
transport is by no means available to the wider public. The cost of rail travel
is prohibitive - one only has to look at the cost to get from Middlesbrough to
Manchester to grimace at the potential cost of a train from Middlesbrough to
London - and it's becoming increasingly more so thanks to the unnecessary and
unreasonable inflation of price tickets; inflation based on a measure the
Office of National Statistics has disavowed.
The principal reason
for these price increases is the Government's long-term (which is to say a goal
that has survived several successive governments) belief that the taxpayer
should not subsidise rail travel, and that increased costs should be borne by
the people who benefit from the service. This seems intuitively fair, but it
does a great disservice to our society. For one thing, the practical effect of
this is to exclude low and middle income families from regular and easy
transport. While it would be an exaggeration to claim that easy transport is a
human right, it must surely be the case that we believe that all residents of
Britain should have easy access to the Britain beyond their own towns. If that
requires subsidisation, then surely the people of the United Kingdom are
willing to contribute some to ensure that none of their fellow citizens aren't
freely able to move across the country. Our country is not founded simply on
rough individualism, but an understanding that the cooperation of our society
is what has allowed us to thrive.
This leads into a
second practical concern; cooperation of our society has allowed us to thrive.
The absence of such cooperation prevents such success. Increased transport
capacity - available to all - has clear economic benefits. Quite simply, when
people and labour are more freely able to move, more work is able to be done.
People can travel further to jobs further from their homes, bringing wages back
to spend in the local economy and creating value through services or products
where they work. More spending in the economy means more wealth, which means
people are more able to spend to improve their lives and their family's lives.
It means that we do better, and live better.
One might hope that
the market would be self correcting, and that while rail companies are able to
increase train fares by up to RPI+2%, companies would seek to gain an advantage
over competitors by not hitting this ceiling year after year. If this is the
case then additional tax and state control is not only unnecessary, but hinders
the development of lower costs. But, of course, we see that this is not the case.
At the end of every year, the government publishes the maximum raise in train
fares, and we are all aware that this value is the value by which train fares
will increase. This is only to be expected; people living in Middlesbrough and
working in Leeds aren't able to decide to take the train from Glasgow to
Edinburgh regardless of how much cheaper the travel would be, and it's likely
that they're going to have to use the train from Middlesbrough to Leeds
regardless of the increased cost. Once a rail company owns a franchise, there
is no market incentive to not squeeze customers for every penny that is legally
allowed, because competition here is just not analogous to competition in most
markets. In this case, adding taxpayer subsidisation is simply putting taxpayer
money in the hands of companies already making a profit that have no desire or
inclination to reduce prices, regardless of how costs have changed.
This isn't a new
concern. People - particularly the young who don't have the experience of British
Rail's failures - have begun to again seriously consider the renationalisation
of railways. This renationalisation is easy to make the case for, particularly
when looking at the success of the East Coast line under state supervision, and
it's failures under private supervision. Renationalisation, as John McDonnell
has noted, could be done freely, if patience is practiced, since the government
could simply not offer franchises up for tender and retain control.
But to explicitly
renationalise the railways would be to throw the baby out with the bathwater.
British Rail was, by all accounts, a disaster. The young should not so quickly
dismiss the experience of those with recollections of massive delays and
cancellations and dismiss that as poor recollection and blindness to the
problems of today. Rail fares did in fact increase quicker under state control
than under privatisation in the long run, and uptake of rail transport grew
massively as services became more reliable and became higher quality. While it
is true that rail transport increased across Europe in the same time (likely
due to effects such as increased cost of car travel and other exogenous
factors), the effect in the UK was incredibly pronounced, to a degree where it
would seem that privatisation did have an effect on the increase in uptake.
If the state can do a
better job of running a rail franchise (i.e. the East Coast line), then it
should. Equally, if a private company can run a rail franchise better, then it
should. There exists a mechanism for determining which company will best run a
franchise that we use whenever a franchise comes to tender; the state should be
able to compete on an equal level. The state would be able to compete with all
the benefits that a nationalised service can offer: a service beholden to
customers rather than shareholders, and having no fiduciary responsibility to
make a profit, and would have better access to National Rail, owners and
operators of the train tracks in the UK.
These benefits are
clearly not enough to sustain a high quality service as the country saw with
British Rail. However these benefits coupled with the consistent threat of
replacement by a higher quality provider would be. A state owned franchise
would be subject to the same competitive forces that any other rail franchise
are, and hence subject to the same forces that should be driving higher
quality.
Further to this, an
ambitious state owned group, if successful, could similarly operate as a
private company overseas to provide extra revenue, so as to reduce the cost to
taxpayers and fare-payers in the UK. This is a model that's been adopted by
many European states (states that are notably larger and have notably lower
rail fares), and it is in fact the case that some rail franchises in the UK are
owned by the German state provider of rail services.
It is not clear
whether this would lead to an eventual state monopoly of the rails, or if it
would lead to higher quality and cheaper services from private providers
competing with a state that has the advantages of not being a company.
Ultimately, however, this wouldn't matter. In this framework, a state owned
group could guarantee prices directly tied to cost for a given franchise as
part of its bid, and providers would have to respond to this with pledges of
their own to remain competitive. The net effect should be that the government
would be able to subsidise over-costly rail fares in the knowledge that rail
fares would be better reflecting genuine changes in cost rather than increased
dividend payments.
The rail system at
the moment is broken, but we should not forget that it was broken before.
Previously, lethargy under a monopoly lead to suboptimal services; currently,
profit maximisation and a lack of genuine competition has done the same. Reform
is needed, and reform to a system in which the obvious advantages of state
ownership are forced to appear via a competitive process - which we already
have in place - would be a place to start. Then we might be able to afford the
trip from Middlesbrough to London.
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